Chapter 188: Chapter 75: The Russians’ Counterattack
Translator: 549690339
St. Petersburg
Upon receiving the unexpected declaration of war from the Kingdom of Sardinia, the Tsarist Government was furious. It was one thing for the mighty forces of England, France, and the Ottoman Empire to do so, but the Kingdom of Sardinia? What were they in comparison?
Did they really think Russia had declined to the point where any Tom, Dick, or Harry could come and cause trouble? Furious as they were, due to the vast distance, Russia could do nothing about the People of Sardinian.
Nicholas I let out a cold snort, “Hmph!”
“Order the troops at the front to give the People of Sardinian a good reception, let them know the Russian Empire is not to be insulted!”
“Yes, Your Majesty,” the Army Minister quickly responded.
Nobody could have predicted that Nicholas I’s order in his anger would become the key to a major Russian military breakthrough, securing a great victory in the future.
On July 18, 1852, the Russian Army launched an offensive in the Caucasus region, driving back the Ottoman Army. Despite winning many battles due to the constrained terrain, the frontline’s advance was terribly slow.
There were wise men within the Ottoman Empire who understood that the advantageous terrain of the Caucasus region should not be ceded; they’ve amassed a large force there. Whenever the frontline troops collapsed, new ones were immediately sent to hold the line.
Both sides engaged in fierce combat, neither willing to give ground. After paying a heavy price, by August, the Russian Army was forced to halt their advance.
The casualties were too high; in the fighting that lasted over half a month, over seventy thousand soldiers were lost, averaging more than five thousand casualties each day. Victory remained elusive, and even the Russians could not bear it.
Reinforcements were considered, but logistical supply was a challenge due to the terrain. Being able to concentrate two hundred thousand soldiers was the result of amassing strategic resources in advance.
After half a month, weapons and ammunition were almost depleted. It was precisely because the Russian military’s equipment was outdated that they could ensure basic logistic supplies. If it had been the troops of England, France, or Austria, the logistic pressure would have increased by a quarter.
With the Caucasus region impregnable, the Russians once again turned their eyes to the Balkan Peninsula. After a lengthy period of recuperation, the Russian military had regained its combat capability, and total forces had risen to 480,000.
The Allied Forces had even more troops: the French Army had 170,000, the British Army 20,000, and the Ottoman forces 540,000. The Sardinian Army had not yet arrived; the total was a formidable 730,000.
However, the Russians were not at a complete disadvantage. The Bulgarians formed an army of 50,000, Austria helped by engaging seventy to eighty thousand Ottoman soldiers, and the Montenegro Duchy mobilized 20,000 troops. Additionally, the Greek people preparing to backstab also organized an army of 70,000.
In total, the combat strength of both sides was almost even. The key to victory would lie in the competition between the commanders of both sides.
“Have all the supplies arrived?” Menshikov asked.
The previous battle in Bulgaria did not result in a decisive expansion of their gains. Aside from the French Army’s sudden appearance disrupting their plans, they also faced the problem of the lagging supply of logistics.
Before, the Russian Army underestimated the consumption of ammunition on the battlefield, overlooking the fact that after re-equipping their troops, the ammunition consumption would increase significantly.
With outdated weapons and equipment, their ally Franz certainly could not sit by idly. As soon as the war in the Near East erupted, Austria began to sell a large amount of modern weaponry to the Russians.
Russia did not have the funds for a widespread rearmament, but they still purchased a batch of equipment for their main forces, about three infantry divisions that were equipped with Austrian weapons, and bought over three hundred cannons to increase firepower.
As it turned out, these weapons were worth the price. After re-equipping, the Russian Army’s fighting ability greatly improved, and these main divisions were the first to break through the Ottoman lines.
The smoother the battles went, the higher the ammunition consumption naturally became. Take the additional three hundred cannons, for instance; just one round of volley fire, and one ton of ammunition was gone.
Great consumption was a logistical issue. Faced with frequently problematic Russian-made equipment, the officers immediately took a liking to the Austrian-made gear and unanimously called for an equipment overhaul.
In peacetime, a large-scale purchase of Austrian weapons would have been opposed fiercely by the interest groups involved in domestic weapons production.
War time was different. With so much already sacrificed for the war, Nicholas I would not tolerate anyone dragging their feet at such a time, and he forcefully pushed through the military’s rearmament request.
During the subsequent months of recuperation, the Russians didn’t sit idle, continuously upgrading some of the troops’ equipment. Now, out of the 480,000 Russian soldiers, a third were using Austrian-made equipment.
With the main forces’ equipment on par with that of England and France, even if they fell short in training, the fighting spirit of the nation could make up for that shortfall somewhat.
The situation from the last time, where ninety thousand main Russian forces couldn’t overcome fifty thousand French in an open field, was now unlikely to occur.
“Everything is in place, and some supplies have even exceeded our initial plans, enough to support our entire army in a major battle for three months,” the quartermaster replied.
Menshikov nodded in satisfaction; he had ample confidence in this war. In the last battle in Bulgaria, they had already severely crippled the main forces of the Ottoman Army.
Even if their numbers hadn’t decreased, their combat effectiveness had inevitably slipped. New troops simply couldn’t match the battle prowess of veterans, and the gap between elite forces and cannon fodder was even more pronounced.
Menshikov confidently declared, “Good, as long as our logistics are covered, we’ve won half the battle.
The domestic authorities have approved our battle plans; with three hundred thousand troops in the Ukraine Region ready to replenish any battlefield losses.
The Ottomans are of no concern; the Kingdom of Sardinia is merely a number to add to the British forces. Our main enemies are England and France.
Our strategic goal for this upcoming battle is to annihilate the main forces of England and France on the Balkan Peninsula, push the frontline to Edirne, and lay the groundwork for capturing Constantinople.
For the ultimate victory, we must spare no effort or toll in this war, regardless of casualties, and break through the enemy’s defenses in the shortest time possible to surround the Anglo-French forces.
Only by inflicting severe pain on them can we secure victory in this war.”
Russia’s military system was somewhat chaotic, and the Tsarist Government was capricious in its appointments. Menshikov originally came from the army and had served as a military attaché in Vienna, participating in the anti-Napoleonic Wars and the Eighth Russo-Turkish War, as well as being an adjutant to the Tsar.
After retiring from the army, he dabbled in the diplomatic service. Then he entered naval service, successively serving as Commander of the Black Sea Fleet, Chief of Staff of the Naval General Command, and Minister of the Navy; he is now a naval admiral.
Being able to transfer from the army to the navy and become an admiral, some might think his naval talent was exceptional, warranting his unprecedented promotion. In reality, it was quite the opposite; he was there to add to the confusion.
The direct consequence of Menshikov’s entry into the navy was the delay in the technological advancement and combat training of the Russian Navy. Applying the army’s training model to the navy, he could be considered the grave digger of the Russian Navy.
Now, as a naval admiral, he was sent to command hundreds of thousands of army troops, serving as the commander-in-chief of the expeditionary force in the Balkan Peninsula, which naturally wouldn’t convince many.
Although he came from the army, he had been away from it for a decade or two, and his professional capabilities had inevitably deteriorated, which was not convincing.
To call him a military officer now would be less accurate than calling him a politician, which was more fitting. The Tsarist Government’s hiring mechanism cast a shadow over the upcoming outbreak of war.
The Russian Army’s Chief of Staff, Fitzroy Somerset, objected, “Sir Commander, one should squeeze the soft persimmons; the easiest breakthrough to win this war is clearly through the Ottomans.
What we need to do now is to look for opportunities to cripple the Ottoman Army and then gnaw on the hard bone of the British and French.
Without the Ottoman Army as vassals, we could easily dispose of their less than two hundred thousand troops.”
Menshikov confidently explained, “If we focus on striking the Ottomans, the British and French troops will flee once they see the tide turning against them; we simply don’t have the capability to hold them back as well.
If we don’t inflict pain on England and France, even if we occupy Constantinople, the war will still continue.
They could continuously send troops to the Balkan Peninsula by sea, and the war would drag on indefinitely.
From the outbreak of the war to now, we have spent at least 130 million rubles on military expenses. If we include the preliminary war preparations, our military spending has already exceeded 200 million rubles, which are the annual fiscal revenues of the Russian Empire.
If the war continues for a long time, our finances will be unsustainable. Financially, we can’t compete with England and France, and even Austria combined wouldn’t suffice.”
In terms of financial power, the British were unbeatable at that time. Even just considering fiscal revenue, they were far ahead. Occupying the second tier were France, Austria, Russia, and Qing China, who couldn’t catch up and only had about six to seven-tenths of what the British had.
This gap would only begin to close after each country completed its industrial revolution.
“But Sir Commander, we do not currently have an advantage, and the outcome of the war could likely be a Pyrrhic victory, failing to achieve our ultimate goal,” Fitzroy Somerset said with a frown.
Menshikov shook his head, “We must fight even if it ends in mutual destruction. No matter what, we must hurt England and France and force them out of the war.
If we fight by the book, how long are we prepared to fight this war – one year, two years, or ten years, eight years?
Times have changed. In the past, we could fight a war with the Ottoman Empire for over a decade, but is that possible now?
The high cost of war has told us that a swift victory is the best choice; if it drags on, the price we pay will only grow more severe.”
Military personnel see issues solely from a military perspective. Politicians view problems from a political standpoint.
Menshikov had already transitioned towards being a politician. He could disregard the losses of Russian troops, but he could not accept the war continuing on.
The Russian Government was well aware that the longer the war lasted, the more disadvantageous it was for them. In the later stages, it would come down to who could endure more.
To avoid such a scenario, the best method was to use the staggering casualties on the battlefield to frighten England and France, forcing them to make concessions.
Historically, after the Crimean War, the British intervention in European affairs diminished significantly. They avoided direct involvement as much as possible, laying the groundwork for Prussia’s unification of the German Region.
One could say the Crimean War was fought on behalf of the Teutons. After the war, Russia was riddled with internal conflicts, requiring reform, and it took more than a decade to recover; even the victorious British and French were wary, not immediately interfering with Prussia’s war of unification.
With unified understanding, the Russian Army began their preparations. Fortunately, in this era, the transmission of information was inconvenient. Although the telegraph had appeared, it was only available in major cities and hadn’t spread to the Balkan Peninsula yet.
Otherwise, with the Russians’ current actions, the enemy would be ready before they even began.
Wars require comparisons, and however disorganized the Russians’ command was, it was better than the British-French-Ottoman Empire allied forces’ joint leadership.
The British and French did not yield to each other, leaving the Ottoman Empire neutral, fearing they would exit the war if things went badly, which would doom them.
Historically, when Aimable Jean Jacques Pelissier became the supreme commander of the allied forces, he could barely manage the coalition’s battle operations, but now he was just one of the three chief commanders.
The consequence was that when coordinated operations were needed, they had to be reported to the Allied Command. Only after an agreement was reached among the three commanders could they proceed.
The Russian Army was preparing to attack, yet the allied forces knew nothing. The Ottoman Empire underestimated the importance of intelligence work, and all intelligence came from voluntarily provided information by their own people.
Under the bureaucratic system, many of these intelligence pieces were used without verification. Unfortunately, the Russians also undervalued intelligence work; otherwise, sending false information could have caused significant losses for the allied forces.
Both England and France were dragons across the river who lacked the capacity for intelligence gathering. Their bureaucracy was not to be underestimated, and they simply assumed the Ottoman Empire would handle this aspect.