Chapter 199: Chapter 86, Scandal

Translator: 549690339

The choice that the Greek people considered correct was undoubtedly one that satisfied neither party, it could be said they displeased both sides.

The Russians could still reluctantly accept it, as wherever the Greeks fought, they tied up some of the Ottoman Empire’s attention. Now was a critical moment; having one more ally meant one more source of strength, increasing the chances of victory.

England and France could not tolerate it, especially the British, who saw the Greeks’ actions as outright betrayal.

The conflict between the two nations in 1850 was ignored by the London Government. They overlooked the fact that the two nations had fallen out years before when Palmerston ordered the blockade of Piraeus.

Of course, John Bull didn’t want to provoke the Greeks at this time either. If they disregarded everything and headed straight for Constantinople, en route cutting off their logistical supply lines, it wouldn’t take half a month for the Allied Forces on the Balkan Peninsula to be finished.

While the London Parliament was discussing the opening of a new front, Foreign Minister Palmerston got into trouble. He couldn’t control his lust and had an affair with the Queen’s maid.

This wasn’t too big of a deal; the nobility had many rotten affairs, and adding one more was of no consequence. Carrying on with extramarital affairs was one thing, getting caught was another; look the other way, and it would be over.

But they chose to court disaster by meeting in secret within the Palace, and, unfortunately, were caught red-handed by Prince Albert.

Once the affair was out in the open, it became a Palace scandal. Prince Albert was furious, as was Queen Victoria.

If they did not set a strict example, where would the dignity of the royal family be?

The scandal blew up, and the unfortunate Palmerston and that maid were caught by the Palace guards and given a good treatment on the spot.

Under Franz’s butterfly effect, history took a turning point. In history, Palmerston had ruined the maid’s virtue, but that was done in private.

The curtain of discretion had not been torn, and there was room for redemption. Historically, Palmerston also paid a heavy price; not only did he leave the office, but he also had to expend a great deal of effort and political bargaining to finally return to the political arena.

Now he was caught with both evidence and stolen goods at hand; it was not just a matter of what would happen later but how to survive the immediate crisis.

If the news of the Foreign Minister’s debauchery within the Palace spread, it would be sensational. The gossip-hungry British public could create all sorts of stories.

John Russell was dumbfounded; he was beyond admiration for Palmerston’s romantic exploits, enviable but inevitably fatal, and he had the deepest respect for his comrade’s ability to court disaster.

Then, he also had to figure out how to clean up the mess. The royal family must be given an account, and his colleague couldn’t just disappear without reason.

Palmerston was no small fish; he was not only the Foreign Minister of the Great Britain Empire, but also the spokesperson for the bourgeoisie in the government, with significant influence among the people.

Prince Albert asked, “Prime Minister, what do you think should be done about this issue?”

After having Palmerston arrested, Prince Albert regretted his actions. There were plenty of opportunities to deal with Palmerston later; why act immediately?

Who knew how outsiders would spin the story. It could even backfire, with some believing the royal family had fabricated the drama to persecute the minister.

For the sake of the reputation of the royal family, this incident was doomed to be treated coldly. Political savant Prince Albert naturally chose to pass the buck.

The sudden scandal directly affected the efficiency of the London Government, delaying the time to open a second front and creating an opportunity for the Russians.

In a dilapidated village of Plovdiv, the Bulgarian Guerrilla Team was holding a secret meeting.

“Gentlemen, we have just received intelligence that the Ottoman Empire has withdrawn the forces besieging us, replaced by the freshly arrived 30,000 British Army.

This is both a challenge and an opportunity. The British are much stronger than the Ottomans; without two to three times the number of soldiers, we are no match for them.

Obviously, we don’t have that many troops; that’s the challenge we’re about to face.

From what we’ve learned from our prisoners, there is heavy discord between the British and the Ottomans, and though allies, the arrogant British only regard them as cannon fodder.

This is the opportunity; since there is discord, the two sides will hardly be able to cooperate closely.

After all, the British are foreigners here; they are unfamiliar with the environment in the Bulgarian region. Now, as they are in the process of handing over with the Ottomans, a period of confusion is inevitable.

According to information passed by our insiders, the five thousand Ottoman garrison in Plovdiv left yesterday, now only less than two thousand remain, including merely eight hundred British soldiers.

That’s an opportunity. If we join forces and seize Plovdiv, destroying the enemy’s supply transfer station, the war on the Sofia front will undoubtedly be affected.”

The speaker was a middle-aged man, Dimitri, the key leader of this alliance of several Bulgarian guerrilla teams.

Don’t think that just because the Bulgarian guerrilla forces have quite a number, they have established a system; in fact, they are still scattered and fighting on their own.

The Russians who supported them did so with the true intention of causing trouble for the Ottoman Empire, without the intention of letting them truly gain independence; naturally, they wouldn’t allow them to unite.

In this era, Bulgarian nationalism had not yet awakened. The future father of the Bulgarian nation – Hristo Botev, was still a kindergartener. (If there were kindergartens)

The Bulgarians’ drive to resist stemmed mainly from the oppression of the Ottoman Government and religious persecution.

A young officer with black hair and green eyes stood up, objecting, “Mr. Dimitri, Plovdiv is only 15 kilometers from Asenovgrad and 30 kilometers from Pazardzhik.

This means thus, as soon as we attack Plovdiv, the enemy reinforcements from Asenovgrad will arrive within the day, and those from Pazardzhik, at most by the following day.

Pazardzhik still has three thousand troops, and Asenovgrad has two thousand. I will not be facing two thousand, but seven thousand.”

The enemy had just withdrawn five thousand of their troops; certainly, new units would be taking over the defense. Yet we have received no intelligence about this, which is very illogical.

There are only three possible explanations for this situation: First, the enemy commanders have forgotten or overlooked the importance of Plovdiv; second, there is a problem with our intelligence system; third, it’s a trap set by the enemy to deliberately lure us in.

The first scenario is obviously impossible. The enemy isn’t that stupid; they couldn’t possibly miss such a simple issue.

The intelligence we received comes from the Bulgarian people in various regions. It’s impossible to keep a large army movement a secret, and according to our intelligence, no large units are currently heading towards Plovdiv.

Thus, the likelihood of a trap seems very high. If we cannot seize Plovdiv quickly, in at most three days, enemy forces from surrounding areas will swarm us, trapping us here.

“Sepllos, you’re right,” Dimitri explained. “This could very well be a trap set by the enemy, but the temptation is just too great.

We are all aware that the enemy has stockpiled a significant amount of supplies in Plovdiv. Even if it’s a bait, we have the chance to destroy these supplies.

Although I am not sure how much strategic material the enemy has stockpiled in Sofia, judging by the importance they place on logistics, the strategic materials in the Sofia Region are likely insufficient to support their frontline troops until the end of the war.

Once we destroy these supplies, we’ll make our escape. As for the city of Plovdiv, let’s leave it to the Ottomans for the time being. We can come back after this major battle is over.”

Dimitri’s analysis was based on sound evidence. Up to now in the war, the enemy forces in the Sofia Region had dwindled to eighty thousand. Even in such circumstances, Montes had still transferred fifteen thousand British soldiers to handle logistics.

Because logistics took up a significant portion of the forces, this led to the situation on the Sofia front where the Allied Forces were being beaten into the ground by the Russians.

It was due to the strain on military resources that Montes had to ask for reinforcements from home. Dimitri was eager to break through mainly because the enemy reinforcements were about to arrive, and the battle would become unwinnable if not engaged in swiftly.

This was a consequence of the Allied Forces’ hasty response to battle. The Russians were prepared in advance, with frontline units suffering heavy losses and being withdrawn for reinforcement.

The reinforcements were sent to Wallachia Principality, not directly to the frontlines, as the logistics couldn’t bear the strain and could only linger by the Danube River.

The Ottoman Empire went all-in; they were now relying on drafting to replenish their forces. Since most of the Balkan Peninsula had fallen, there were barely any able-bodied men to draft, and replenishment could no longer keep pace with the rate of losses at the front.

England and France were too far from the Balkan Peninsula, so reinforcements had to involve reports back home and pass through bureaucratic approvals, which consumed a lot of time.

In this respect, the British were truly far-sighted in planning to open a second front. Once the war on the Crimea Peninsula started, the Russians would be run ragged.

Even with thorough preparation, there are always limitations. The terrible state of domestic transportation was undoubtedly the greatest enemy, restricting the Russians’ ability to deploy their forces.

A middle-aged man sneered, “Mr. Dimitri, our few guerrilla teams combined amount to just over five thousand men, and you’re well aware of the state of our weapons and equipment.

If this is a trap, the enemy will definitely be prepared. To all appearances, the enemy’s troops with combat effectiveness amount to those eight hundred British soldiers.

But who really knows? The Ottoman army isn’t entirely incompetent. If all their troops were useless, we would’ve restored our nation long ago.

If these one thousand plus Ottoman defenders are the elites of the Ottomans, and with the addition of eight hundred British soldiers, their combat strength would not be much inferior to ours.

I think it’s too risky to make a move on Plovdiv hastily, even if we have collaborators inside the city. The chances of success are too low.”

Where there are people, there are social networks. The Bulgarian Guerrilla Team has always been divided into many groups, mostly formed by region, and many are eyeing the leadership of the guerrillas.

Dimitri is only the nominal leader of these several guerrilla groups, and there are not a few who are dissatisfied with him. However, these dissensions had been suppressed in the face of a common enemy.

“Mr. Hamir, do you have any superior ideas?” Dimitri asked calmly.

He could tell that Hamir wasn’t opposed to attacking Plovdiv but had other plans in mind.

Hamir smiled slightly and said, “I wouldn’t say they are superior ideas, but since we are unsure whether it is a trap, we might as well initiate a probing attack.

We first attack Zalgik, thirty kilometers away, whom we have thoroughly scouted. The three thousand defenders there are Ottomans with rather average combat capabilities—it would not be difficult to take them down if we combine our forces.

If the enemy has set a trap, it will be revealed at that time. They couldn’t possibly set an encirclement extending thirty kilometers.

If there is no trap, then we take a shortcut straight to Plovdiv after the attack. With the enemy forces around Zalgik distracted, our chances of a successful surprise attack are high.”

After thinking it over, Dimitri said, “That is indeed a good strategy to minimize the risks. However, the strain on the guerrilla forces from rushing between the two locations would still be too great.

It seems we need to contact Boris and his men. They can take on the task of attacking Zalgik to break the situation, and we can assist by cutting off the enemy’s reinforcements.

Once the enemy troops from Plovdiv and Asenovgrad come out, we’ll take them out first, reducing the difficulty of the upcoming siege.”

This wasn’t the first time the Bulgarian Guerrilla Team had undertaken a siege, but it was the first major counterattack since they were defeated in the Sofia engagement.

After more than two months of regrouping, they had regained their vitality. Although they had not reached their peak condition, their confidence was evident.

In this regard, the Sardinian Army also deserved credit. Had it not been for them providing the Bulgarians with an opportunity, these guerrilla teams would still be clashing with the Allied Forces in the field by now.

By this time, they would likely have suffered heavy casualties. Mao Xiong didn’t see the guerrillas as equals from the beginning, using them as cannon fodder to breach the Allied Forces’ defenses and sandwich the enemy between forces, clearly aiming to use them for his own ends.

Unfortunately, no plan survives contact with the enemy, and who knew that the Sardinian Army would be so timid, actually getting breached by the Bulgarian Guerrilla Team and outflanked.

The Russians never believed the guerrillas could achieve this and failed to respond in a timely fashion, missing a chance to win the war.