Chapter 429: Chapter 2, The Tsarist Plays a Conspiracy
 

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There are indeed many clever people in this world, and after the Habsburg Family gave up the struggle for the Polish throne, several other European royal contenders also announced their withdrawals.

This included the Bonaparte family, with Napoleon III wisely giving up the enormous pitfall that was Poland. Even though he wanted to support Poland as a counterbalance to Austria, Napoleon III still did not have faith in Poland’s success.

Whether the Polish looked down on them for that reason remains unknown. After all, in those days, the Bonaparte family was still seen as an upstart with normally no qualifications to be a candidate.

If the Polish had indeed listed them as a backup option, wouldn’t that have been awkward? With the Bopo’s knack for self-destruction, it wouldn’t have been surprising if they did something like that.

Another strong contender, the Gotha family, also withdrew, daunted by Poland’s dreadful strategic position.

The so-called king election system in Europe has always been a game of power played by various forces, with political and diplomatic maneuvers being indispensable. It also depended on whether the main characters were willing, as there were not a few who did not wish to be king.

Now, with supporters among the major powers of Europe, the situation has become even more chaotic.

Prussia supported Wilhelm I for both the role of King of Poland and their own, but after facing opposition from France and Austria, they then supported a cadet branch of their own royal family, the Hohenzollern-Sigmaringen’s Karl, for the Polish throne, which still met with opposition from France and Austria;

Spain and Austria supported the Bourbon family for the Polish throne, yet they faced strong opposition from France and Prussia;

The Russians supported George, the son of Denmark’s Christian IX, but this was strongly opposed by the Kingdom of Prussia;

…

It is worth noting that Austria also supported George as the King of Poland, which wasn’t contradictory as there was no rule stating that only one candidate could be supported.

Anyway, either choice would trouble Prussia, so as long as it wasn’t Wilhelm I, whomever became the King of Poland was all the same to Franz.

Prussia combined with Poland would not simply be a 1+1=2 situation; if they managed to integrate their resources, they would be a great European nation.

For the safety of his northern flank, Franz naturally wouldn’t let them merge easily. For Austria, it was enough for Prusso-Polish forces to counter the Russian Empire; letting them merge would be shooting themselves in the foot.

Just as the Germany of the original timeline did not dare to annex the Austro-Hungarian Empire, Franz did not dare to merge with the Prusso Federation; that really would have caused an explosion.

With the varying standings of the great powers, the Polish Parliament was in a bind, absolutely clueless as to who should be chosen.

The parliamentarians were oblivious to the hardship of the Polish people, who were exercising their freedom by carrying signs and shouting slogans as they marched down the streets, incidentally besieging the Parliament building.

If anyone listened carefully, they could also hear names like “George,” “Wilhelm,” “Karl”…

Indeed, the public concerned with the fate of the Polish throne also made their voices heard.

How many of them were sincere and how many had been brought in just to make up numbers would need to be judged for oneself.

The new Polish Parliament had never seen such a grand spectacle before. In the past, it was they who organized the people to shout outside; now the tables had turned, and they were the ones being chanted at.

The Tsarist was not easy to provoke, and in the past, they used to chant slogans with trepidation, nowhere near as bold as those outside directly surrounding the Parliament and pressuring them to make decisions.

“Send someone out to ask what exactly they want to do. Damn it, did I even hear the name Napoleon? Could it be they want a dead man as the King of Poland?” the Speaker Alex furiously exclaimed; he was almost driven mad. If selecting a king was so easy, why would they be in such distress?

It’s easy to share hardships, but difficult to share wealth.

During the conquest of the nation, when they had a common enemy in the Russians, they cooperated closely. Now that Poland was independent, the various factions began to fight for power and profit.

The protesting and demonstrating crowds outside were organized by the losers of the power struggle. Their purpose was clear: to turn the tide by political maneuvering in support of a king.

In reality, the Republicans also held substantial power within the government. Everyone was just afraid of intervention from the countries of Europe and dared not adopt a republican system.

The Polish Parliament was slow to decide, and the Republicans greatly contributed to this. They disrupted votes and delayed parliamentary decision-making, aiming to establish a de facto republic first.

As long as the government institutions settled down and created a fait accompli. Even if a king were elected in the future, he would be just a rubber stamp.

No one wanted to have an extra shackle over their head; the provisional government’s high-ranking officials were all striving to hollow out the king’s power. The protests outside inadvertently disrupted many people’s plans.

…

On November 11, 1867, the world was shocked by the appalling “Double Eleven” tragedy in Poland. A crowd of protesters, under deliberate guidance, quickly lost control and stormed the Parliament building.

By the time the belated police arrived to disperse the crowd, 17 members of parliament had already died on the spot in the chaos, including Speaker Alex among the dozens wounded.

Such a significant incident could not be left alone by the Polish Government, and a white terror enveloped the streets of Warsaw.

No ring leaders were found, but the prisons were already filled with those who had participated in the march. No matter how it was remedied, the Parliament had lost its authority due to this event.

When the news reached Vienna, Franz merely laughed it off. Such an obvious turn of events didn’t warrant discussion. Suppressing demonstrations happened time and again, and the occupation of the Parliament by protesters was nothing new, but killing so many members of parliament was unprecedented.

The Parliament was a place that should have been protected from the onslaught of protesters, so how could the police be late? This simple question did not beg discussion.

Under normal circumstances, as soon as a marching crowd was spotted moving toward the Parliament building, the police should have, even if not intercepting, sent a substantial force to protect the Parliament.

There was no doubt that this was the result of internal power struggles. With the authority of Parliament swept away, the government’s power was naturally strengthened.

It was also an opportunity to strike at political rivals; every revolutionary group involved in organizing the march was now unable to clear itself.

Although protesting could be seen as exercising civic rights, storming Parliament and killing members was terrorism.

The only victor seemed to be the current Polish Government. Or perhaps they were not the victors, as it was possible they were merely pawns being manipulated by someone else.

“`

In Franz’s view, the Prussians were very likely the masterminds behind this conspiracy. Though the Polish Government seemed to be gaining power, in reality, it had fallen into an awkward position.

The rules of the internal power struggle had been broken, which was not good news for the Polish Government. The government was both the rule maker and its enforcer.

Now that someone had broken the rules, it was evident that others would no longer abide by them either. The political struggle’s baseline, which did not involve personal safety, had been breached, and everyone had to be prepared for the possibility of assassination in the future.

The foundational stability of the Polish Government’s rule was shaken, and stabilizing the domestic situation would be impossible without the support of Prussia. Consequently, the Kingdom of Prussia’s infiltration into Poland was sure to deepen.

If it weren’t for Franz’s reluctance to delve into these murky waters, Austria could have stepped in now and likely snatched the opportunity from Prussia’s grasp.

But such infiltration was of no use to Austria; even if the Kingdom of Poland were a tempting treat, Franz now had no appetite for it. A delicacy that could be seen but not eaten might as well be discarded.

…

Within the Berlin Palace, Wilhelm I also harbored doubts about the true perpetrator of the incident. He didn’t believe that the upper echelons of the Polish Government would be so foolish as to break the unwritten rules for a momentary advantage.

Wilhelm I asked, “Prime Minister, who do you think is most likely behind this action?”

War is the art of deception, and asking Maoqi to answer this question was also a matter of professional expertise. It was certainly not an intentional difficulty; Wilhelm I had not descended to such pettiness.

Maoqi analyzed, “Your Majesty, I believe the Polish Government is innocent. Based on the current international situation, I think the Austrians are the most suspect. Looking at the past two European wars, they were the victors.

Creating trouble, provoking international relations, and fomenting international discord—these are the specialties of England and Austria. The British need us to join forces with the Polish against Russia and Austria; it makes no sense for them to act now.

Austria, however, is different. They only need us to rally with the Polish against Russia, but they do not want to see a merger of the two nations. Hence, creating small conflicts between us and Poland seems very necessary.”

Of course, the French and Russians are also suspects. However, given their distance from Poland and limited influence, it would not be easy for them to orchestrate this action.

There’s no need to mention the Russians; with such deep conflicts between Russia and Poland, even if the Tsarist Government wanted to create trouble, the Polish might not be willing to cooperate.”

This answer sounded reasonable, but Wilhelm I still felt something was amiss—this didn’t quite resemble the Vienna Government’s usual style.

Austria’s influence in Poland was not insignificant; among the volunteers who had joined the Polish independence movement, who knows how many were Austrian spies?

These people might seem inconspicuous, but they held many important positions within the Polish Government. There were numerous ways to sow discord between the two countries, without resorting to such extremes.

If the matter were exposed, the resulting international impact would be significant. Wilhelm I harbored these thoughts but did not voice them; letting Austria take the blame seemed inconsequential.

Without evidence, whether Austria was actually responsible didn’t really matter. After all, the Polish lacked the capacity to retaliate.

Franz was still unaware that an unexpected scapegoat had descended upon him. Franz suspected the Prussians of scheming the conspiracy, and the Prussians likewise suspected Austria of stirring trouble in their relations with Poland.

…

St. Petersburg – Alexander II was listening to a report from his subordinates. If the content were disclosed, it would definitely shock the entire European Continent.

According to the principle of who benefits the most, the Polish Government and Prussia had become the prime suspects. Who would think of Russia, utterly unrelated?

The Polish Government probably had already blamed Prussia for this account. Even if it couldn’t do without Prussian support in the short term, a shadow had nonetheless been cast over the relations between the two nations.

No one would like an ally who interferes in their internal affairs. Once the King of Poland stabilized his position, relations between Prussia and Poland were bound to change.

This was not just a conspiracy but also accompanied by overt strategies. Without evidence, the Prussians simply couldn’t clear themselves of suspicion.

Even if they proved their innocence, could relations between Prussia and Poland return to their original state? Obviously, that was impossible, unless the Berlin Government gave up this opportunity to infiltrate Poland.

Alexander II had simply given the two countries an excuse for discord. There were too many potential areas of conflict between Prussia and Poland. As long as they couldn’t unify, they were doomed to endless disputes.

If Austria ended up taking the blame, Alexander II’s calculations would be even more perfect. Deteriorating relations between Prussia, Poland, and Austria meant that the Russian Empire would have an ally in future wars.

The taste of fighting alone was not at all pleasant, and Alexander II didn’t want a second round of that experience.

One learns through bitter experience.

After this lesson, Alexander II understood the importance of allies. His youthful advocacy for “favoring Prussia and distancing from Austria” now seemed more like a joke.

In the realm of nations, deciding foreign policy based solely on personal preferences was simply idiotic.

Unlike the established empires, the Kingdom of Prussia had to expand to become powerful. Unable to defeat any of the surrounding three major empires, it finally chose to strike against the Russian Empire.

This was not because the Russian Empire was weak but because Russia had no allies. Moreover, breaking through the Russian Empire would earn friendship with England and France, without worrying about financial and supply issues.

Of course, transportation was also an important factor. France and Austria both had complete railway networks. As the first to understand the importance of railways in warfare, Prussia had conducted assessments before instigating war.

France and Austria could commit too many troops, and they might get swept away in a single wave. Hence, they chose the Russian Empire, where troop commitment was limited.

No matter how many reasons there were, the primary one was that the Russian Empire had been isolated. Regardless of right or wrong, attacking the Russian Empire appeared just in the eyes of other European nations.

If they attacked other countries, it was easy to provoke hostility. Before Russia entered the war, Prussia’s aggression against Denmark was condemned by various European countries, with many calling for international sanctions.

However, once the Tsarist Government entered the war, the situation changed in an instant. Everyone condemned the Prussian invasion of Poland while supporting a war between Prussia and Russia.

The only significant ally of the Russian Empire, Austria, had also grown distant after Alexander II ascended to the throne. The diplomatic changes directly affected the war; Austria’s support had dropped far more than just one level compared to the Near Eastern War.

Having learned from past lessons, Alexander II also began to value foreign relations, and driving a wedge between Prussia and Poland was just one part of it.